Ukraine War News
In
Kyiv, Biden reaffirmed the United States' "unwavering and unflagging
commitment to Ukraine's democracy, sovereignty, and territorial
integrity," risking his own political future, the legacy of his
administration, and the country's standing abroad. As long as Ukraine needs our
assistance, we will provide it.
The
president's indefinite commitment will be criticised by congressional critics,
who make up separate minorities in both parties, as "a blank check."
Given the implications on a worldwide scale, it hasn't been anything like that.
The government and NATO partners that adhere to American policy have been
hesitant and circumspect about the calibre, volume, and pace of weaponry
transfers to Ukraine.
Even
a few long-delayed systems that are now at last making their way to Ukraine do
not have the required ammo since it is being sent later. With each delay,
Ukraine has paid a price in terms of lives lost and towns destroyed.
In
the meantime, Russia has stepped up its gruelling assaults in the Donbas, where
waves of drafted prisoners are launching assaults on the outnumbered Ukrainian
forces.
A
essential corrective to potentially waning public (and even government) support
for the Ukraine endeavour was Biden's dramatic meeting with Ukrainian President
Volodymyr Zelensky. There have been
signs that some members of the administration may be likely to put pressure on
Ukraine to enter settlement negotiations earlier than Zelensky's government is
willing to do so and to concede territory that it is hesitant to do so.
In
response to congressional frustration, an unnamed administration official last
week described the warnings being issued to Ukraine's leaders as follows:
"We will continue to attempt to impress upon them that we can't do
anything and everything forever."
The
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Mark Milley, predicted a
protracted, grinding standoff rather than a win for either side. Russia's
invasion of Ukraine is doubtful, he told the Financial Times.
Simply put, that won't happen. He expressed
equal scepticism about Ukraine's ability to win the war, though, saying that it
would be "very, very difficult for Ukraine this year to force the Russians
out of every square inch of Russian-occupied Ukraine." Not to say that
can't happen, but it's quite challenging.
The
administration's utterances of subdued gloom contain a painful irony for the
patient but appreciative Ukrainians and their Western backers. First, thanks to
the valour of Ukraine's military and the courageous resolve of Zelensky and the
Ukrainian people to protect their freedom and sovereignty, expectations of a
swift Ukrainian collapse when Russia invaded proved to be egregiously off-base.
Second,
notwithstanding how crucial Western weapons were in allowing the Ukrainian army
to withstand and repel portions of the Russian assault, they fell well short of
what Zelensky and his generals demanded to secure a clear military triumph over
Russia.
Biden
and other Westerners' escalation fears have limited Ukraine's tactics and all
but guaranteed the protracted, expensive standoff.
Before
Biden's visit was made public, Michael McCaul, the chairman of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee and a Republican from Texas, voiced the hope that Washington
would expand its delivery of missiles to Ukraine and change its attitude on
sending fighter jets.
In
preparation for a Russian attack reinforced with tens of thousands of new
ground forces, Kyiv is frantically looking for those systems. The excruciatingly
long-awaited Western tanks that Germany and the United States agreed to two
weeks ago may not arrive for months at the earliest — not in time to stave off
Russia's anticipated fresh attack.
McCaul
cautioned McCaul advised," The further
they stay, the longer this conflict will prevail.The more pressure from the
government and the West on Ukraine to reach an unfavourable settlement with
Russia, he could have added.
While
the West hesitates to give Ukraine all it needs to triumph, Russia's few
allies, who are themselves international criminals, are strengthening their
support for the invader. Moscow is receiving Shaheed-126 drones from Iran, and
the Wagner Group, Russia's mercenary force in Ukraine, has received armaments
from North Korea.
China
has been giving non-lethal material aid in defiance of Western economic
sanctions by dramatically boosting its purchases of Russian oil.
China
is attempting to have it both ways, according to Secretary of State Antony
Blinken. They portray themselves as a nation working for peace in Ukraine in
the public eye. Yet, in secret, we have already witnessed over the last few
months the provision of non-lethal assistance that does directly assist and
facilitate Russia's war effort.
Blinken
claimed that on the circumferences of the Munich Security Conference, he
informed Wang Yi, the foreign minister of China, that giving"
murderous" military aid to Russia's war trouble" would have serious
consequences on our own relationship, commodity we don't need on top of the
balloon incident that China is engaged in."
China
has made an effort to portray Blinken as pleading with the Chinese for the
meeting, an American supplicant stance that the Chinese Communists have been
utilising since 1971. If Blinken did in fact read Wang the riot act, it might
signal a positive shift in the Biden administration's policy towards China.
By
conveying America's resolve to stand by democratic allies and partners under
attack from an authoritarian neighbour, Biden's visit to Ukraine could also
have positive knock-on effects on the U.S.-China relationship. This is
especially true if the visit balances out some of the more pessimistic remarks
made by other administration officials.
From
2005 to 2006, Joseph Bosco was the secretary of defense's country director for
China. From 2009 to 2010, he was the director of humanitarian aid and disaster
relief for Asia-Pacific. When Vladimir Putin invaded Georgia, he was working at
the Pentagon and taking part in Department of Defense discussions about the
American response.
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